Monday, February 23, 2009

Us vs. Them


Society has a long history of us vs. thems. It's hard to get any decent-sized war going without one. Sometimes the us vs. them is a racial distinction (blacks vs. whites), sometimes it's social (think Obama's devout supporters vs. Palin's devout supporters) and sometimes it's purely geographical (Yankees fans vs. Red Sox fans). Demonizing a foil is among our most important coping mechanisms. But the creation of these foils can exacerbate the worst of human tendencies.

When times get tough, real tough, humans have a tendency to take the demonization of their foils to a whole new level. It's no coincidence that fascism sprung out of the 1930s. Germany from 1914-1933 was a miserable place. So the Germans bound together and made the world a miserable place for everyone else for the next twelve years. But they didn't come out of nowhere. People are much less inclined to goose step and go to war when they're getting three squares a day.

What I'm saying is, all this Main Street vs. Wall Street talk may seem harmless and straw-man-esque, but it could lead to something ugly. When the President's press secretary makes a blanket comment impugning the integrity of all derivatives traders, it makes me squeamish. It's the oldest political ploy around, and he certainly didn't mean much by it. But it's a big, fat us v. them. And while there's not enough derivatives traders to round up to slake the public's desire for blood, it's a bad habit to develop. Wall Street vs. Main Street's a dangerous fiction, for all sorts of reason. If the Dow goes to 2,000, unemployment's going to be 20%, and Main Street's going to pick up some pitch forks. We all need to be careful with our caricatures, because lots of folks are hurting right now, feeling mind-busting levels of stress and fear. Let's not fan these flames any more than necessary, because if you look back it history, it's pretty clear that straw men are the easiest people to burn.

Saturday, February 21, 2009

I am the solution to the housing crisis

Lots of economists can lay claim to impressive theories on how to resolve the housing crisis, but few can actually boast, as I safely can, that they are the solution to the housing crisis. But I don't think I'm overstating my power or exaggerating my influence when I say that for this country to get out of this recession, it needs me to start shopping for a home.

I'm 31, I can easily afford a home, but I rent. It's not that I'm averse to buying a home, it's just that when I compare the cost of renting to the cost of owning, it's clear that I'm better off renting. I live in a loft in downtown Denver; I like it fine, but I don't think I want to live here forever. If I were to buy a condo of comparable quality in a comparable location, my monthly expenses for housing would nearly double. I believe that I can make a superior return on any investment premium that I would potentially allocate to buying a home, and so I rent. It's that simple.

One might argue that I have some sort of patriotic or social obligation to buy, because then I could help resolve the crisis. But if I were to reach a bit and buy just to keep things moving, then I would no longer be a part of the solution. I'd just be another overextended homeowner.

For me to use my awesome power and solve the housing crisis, one of two things must happen. Either the cost of renting must go up to the point where it meets the cost of buying, or the cost of owning must go down where it meets the cost of renting. I'd much prefer the latter, but that would likely happen as a result of further deflation. The federal reserve would much prefer the former, and that's why they're trying to stimulate aggregate demand. Most reasonable folks agree that a healthy 2% inflation is the best for everyone, and I've got no qualms with that. But even if Bernanke miraculously recreates a world of 2% inflation, instead of the brutal deflationary cycle we're in now, that still doesn't make me want to use my power, unless the Fed creates disproportionate inflation in the cost of renting compared to the cost of buying. Since we already subsidize housing with tax credits and tax deductions, the only way to effect this change would be to enact a punitive "renter's tax." This would be nuts-in-a-Fruit-Loops-box crazy, but very little that the government does suprises me anymore. Don't count it out.

Barack Obama and his press secretary, Mr. Gibbs, tell us that the new housing stability bill will not reward speculators. But just because you live in your home doesn't mean you weren't speculating when you bought it. Buying a house is almost by definition speculative. Why would anyone agree to pay 3-10 times their annual income to buy anything, when the same product could be obtained for considerably less, unless they believed (speculated) that it would produce a net financial gain (a profit)?

The unraveling of this crisis has serious ramifications, and Barack and his friends are not irrational to try to come up with solutions to deal with it. But, unfortunately for them, they don't have the power to solve the problem. All they can do is to subsidize last year's speculators. I'm the only one who has the power to solve this problem. But I'm not going to solve it until I see a house I want at a price that makes sense. Unfortunately, thus far, I haven't seen anything that's even close.

Thursday, February 5, 2009

Well, that explains it

If every economic decision coming out of the Obama economic team seems ad hoc and feeble, this might explain why. The one member of Obama's economic team who has a firm grasp of the issues, it would appear, has been squeezed out. The Summers/Rubin/Geithner crew never saw this mess coming, and actually worked to compound the problems (viz., Rubin at Citibank), so it shouldn't be a surprise that they would have no clue how to deal with it now that they're in charge.

Volcker was one of the few who anticipated the problem. But, since he's not a politician by nature, he's been ousted from the inner circle. Ick.

In Volcker we can trust. With Summers and his sycophants we shall languish.

Wednesday, February 4, 2009

C is for Conflict of Interest


The financial blogosphere has been buzzier than normal in the past few days, because lots of people have strong opinions on the "good bank/bad bank" dilemma. For some of the best commentary, please visit sha, ka-shaw, and she-bangs. Geithner, Obama, and Berkanke have been the recipients of many open letters in the past few weeks. They must be quite busy.



My contribution to the cacophany will center on the raging conflicts of interest that nearly everyone involved in the process has. Politicians have constituents and economists have theories. Fine. Politicians may be popular or unpopular and economists can be right or wrong. Ultimately, their incentive structure is complicated and mostly based on reputation. In essence, they want to get it right.

But the ethical conflicts can be more sinister when investors, bankers, and businessmen are involved. Not because these folks are inherently more sinister, mind you, but because of what they do. They have "books" of investments and balance sheets. To oversimplify things, investments and balance sheets are agglomerations of bets made by individuals or companies that certain products are going to be worth more (or less, if you're a short seller) at a later date. If I'm T-Boone Pickens, and I invest $10 billion in natural gas, wind power, and solar energy with the expectation that these things will be worth more down the road, and Kieran the Genius Inventor(TM) discovers easily usable Cold Fusion tomorrow, you're SOL on your $10 billion. Tough luck, your wind power services are no longer needed here.

So when T-Boone is making the big bets on natural gas and wind power, you have to take his suggestions on energy solutions with a grain of salt. That doesn't mean T-Boone's wrong, it just means he has a strong financial incentive to give you a one-sided argument about what needs to be done.

Back to good bank/bad bank. By definition, many experts in finance either work for, or have worked for, major financial institutions. By definition, many of these same people have made big bets on what happens with these toxic assets. Some are long, some are short, but few are truly impartial.

Let's use a poker analogy. Everyone's got a hand. Some have good hands (flush - hedge fund manager, straight - economist, two pair - business exec), some have bad hands (seven high - wage laborer) and the banker, well, the banker is playing its hand based on a complicated model that says in any given hand, only a certain fraction of hands default (lose). It purchased these hands in packages of 10,000, so it doesn't actually know what cards it has this hand, but its model says that this is a triple AAA-rated hand and has a 97% chance of winning.

In poker, the rules are simple: person with the best hand wins. That's usually the case in investing, too. You invest in asset A. If its value goes up, you pocket the difference between the price at which you purchased the asset and the price at which you sold it. Here, banks are trying to convince the US government that it has a hand that is better than everyone else thinks it has, but that because of the nature of the economic environment (they sprung for too much beer and nachos and have no "liquidity"), they cannot turn their hand over to show how great their hand is. If they had liquidity to hold on to their hand for say, ten to fifteen years, they argue, it would be clear that they have the winning hand. But they can't. So they want to arrange a deal where they can sell their "winning hand" to the dealer. The banks claim they are entitled to 97% of the entire pot, because their hand is that good. S&P (who just so happens to be the bank's cousin and roommate) thinks they should get 87% of the pot. The other players either think they should get nothing (don't they know the rules? No show, no money!) or a tiny fraction of the pot commesurate with the unlikely possibility that they're actually holding the best hand.

Now, this analogy is only slightly more absurd than what is happening today. If this were Vegas, Mr. Banker would be 86ed from the casino. The only problem is that the banks have wagered so much money on this hand, that their hand can actually bankrupt the whole casino. This means that there's a real chance that nobody's going to win this hand. So everyone gets in an argument about what should be done. Banks have one opinion, the other players have their own opinion, and then there's a whole host of expert poker player/casino operators offering their own resolutions. It's quite the pickle. To complicate matters, most of the experts in the field are playing in the game, so it's hard to know whom to trust. Everyone wants to be right, and everyone wants to be vindicated. But much of the chatter comes from folks who may win or lose large amounts of cash based on what's decided (Bill Gross, anyone?).

Now, let's return to real life. Bankers have assets on their books that are destroying their capital positions, and this is in turn impacting the stability of the whole system. Most agree that something must be done, but there is little consensus as to what.

As was the case for our poker game, most of the experts in the field are playing in the game, so it's hard to know whom to trust. For example, John Paulson, brilliant investor guy, has been long and short these mortgage products, and will likely make money on both ends. Having him involved in the discussion would be enormously helpful to Geithner et al, because he's one of the few people who has a demonstrated record of competence with them. (Note: I don't believe that John Paulson -- who is not related to former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson -- has expressed any interest in participating in this conversation, which is probably our loss.) But if he's involved in the discussion, he'll have a conflict of interest. Should we exclude him from the conversation?

I say no. But, since this is a public debate that will determine where public money will be spent, we need to know who has Geithner and Obama's ear. Already, there are whispers that Goldman Sachs and other banks have been part of the team crafting the proposal. I don't know if this is true, but it's a scary thought, knowing that taxpayer money is going to be used based on proposals by folks who have stake in the game. Unfortunately, it's probably unavoidable.

For that reason, transparency is essential. To effectuate this, here are my three simple suggestions.

1) All meetings and discussions about when and where taxpayer money will be used to pay off private debt should be a matter of public record. The public record about these meetings should detail who attended the meetings, what they said, and what conclusions were made.

2) All government employees involved in the decision-making process should have their employment history and financial holdings with any entity receiving access to these funds disclosed.

3) Any private investor whose opinion is considered in the discussion must disclose any significant position (threshold $1 million) that could be impacted by these decisions, including, but not limited to, disclosure of potential losses in the event of an adverse decision.

The Paulson meeting with bank CEOs last fall where he wrote $25 billion dollar checks without any record did not engender confidence. It breeds conspiracy theories and distrust about the process. While I believe that Paulson believed he was doing what was right, because of the money involved and the potential conflicts of interest, we have to be more open. We know that the bailout will be unfair. For the rest of us, a card laid is a card played. If you're big enough, you call your buddy in the treasurer's office and renogatiate the rules. Most of us have accepted these things. We know that it will cost taxpayers money and opportunities. But if we have full transparency, we will have an easier time eliminating the most obvious and dangerous conflicts of interest.

That's all I have to say about that.

Monday, February 2, 2009

Take, These Broken Wings!


There's a lot of jive-talking going on with all the news and finance punditry about how to solve the current economic crisis.


1) How do we solve the housing crisis?

2) How do we make the banks solvent again?

3) How do we convince people to buy crap they don't need again?

The problem with these questions, though, is that they assume that they have answers. We'd like to think that if we lock a bunch of folks from Harvard and MIT in the same room, they'll exit the room with an answer. Sadly, much like the career arc of Mr. Mister post-1987, some problems don't have happy or easy resolutions. You can have the best pilot in the fleet flying your plane, but if you lose a wing, you're going down.

Federal and state governments can choose to make private problems public, but they cannot wave a magic wand and make them go away. They can pay 10 times more than the market will pay for toxic MBS, but they cannot give the toxic MBS value. Sometimes, problems are serious because they have no solution. We have to adapt to a new reality. And that's ok. It might turn out to be a good thing.